Wednesday, April 16, 2014

President's visit to Baidoa: Reading between the lines

Following the urgent call to respond Baidoa tensions made by the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Somalia Ambassador Nicholas Kay on 24 March 2014 at the 425th meeting of the AU Peace and Security Council in Adis ababa, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud paid an unannounced and hastily visit to the town of Baidoa on 30th March to offer vacuum sympathy to the local leaders who for one year long engaged in building Southwestern  Regional State composing of Bay, Gedo, Bakol, Lower Shabele, Lower Jubba and Middle Jubba. Even though,  initially his visit was intended to be a half-day tour, it was suddenly extended to last for  two whole days because of the fierce resistance by the traditional elders to meet with the President. The traditional elders who are from the six regions of the State had the perception that the president is against the free choice of Southwestern Citizens for forming the six-region state, and therefore has come to recognize the opposing state formation of three-regions.  However, the Speaker of Somali Federal Parliament (SFP) Mohamed Sheikh Osman Jawari promptly intervened  to end the deadlock between the traditional elders and the President. After exchanging opposing opinions and positions as well as presenting the perception they had for the President, the Elders' antagonism towards the President was quietly cooled down,  and it was underlined that the two sides had at least got each other. The participants also said that the President acknowledged their concern and hence a follow up consultative meeting would be held soon in Baidoa.   

Nevertheless, President's visit offers little hope for the strong ambition of the locals to create undivided a Southwestern State.
First,  though it was already violated, the agreement between the Interim Administration for Jubba consisting of Gedo, Lower Jubba and Middle Jubba regions and Somali Federal Government (SFG) adopted on 28 August, 2013 in Adisababa, has complicated the SFG's position to categorically denounce or support the creation of regional state in South Western Somalia. Although, in response to the popular election of Madobe Nunow as a head of the Southwestern State, the Ministry of Interior fearing that the Jubba Administration may bounce into the government's rival network has issued a press release giving lip support for formation of Three - Region State composing of Bay, Lower Shabele and Bakol. Realistically, the SFG acknowledges (clandestinely) that the creation of Jubba Administration was externally driven by neighboring countries and the implementation of the signed agreement was literally violated by the Interim Administration led by Ahmed Modobe when he unilaterally appointed his three deputies and at the same time by passed  over the SFG to conduct direct diplomatic meetings with the Heads of Ethiopia and Kenyan governments. Mohamud M. Ulusow, Writer and Political Analyst said in an article of Wide Gulf between the Somalia's Leader and UNSOM's Head; that the 'President Uhuru of Kenya and PM Hailemariam of Ethiopia welcome the leaders of Puntland and Jubbaland more warmly than President Hassan of Somalia'.
Article 1, Number (5) and (6) of the Agreement says:
"The head of the Interim Jubba Administration shall be the Leader of the three regions of lower Jubba, middle Jubba and Gedo and also the Chairperson of the Executive Council and shall be accountable to the Federal Government of Somalia".
"The Leader shall have three deputies appointed by the Leader in consultation with Somali Federal Government and they will also become members of the executive council".

Similarly, article 2, Number 12 of the same agreement was not implemented which is concerned by the management of the Federal Institutions and National Infrastructures. It was supposed that the SFG should take control over the management of both the Kismayo Airport and the Seaport in 6 Months period however, it is yet to be seen the government's response to this article:

"The Kismayo Sea Port and Air Port Management shall be handed-over to the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) in 6 months period; after which the Federal Government of Somalia shall appoint a competent management team in consultation with the Interim Jubba Administration meanwhile the current management of port prevails for the next 6 months. The Federal Government of Somalia will appoint immigration officers to all entry points". 

On the other hand, the UN representative Office in Somalia similarly offers unwavering support for establishment of the three-region state in defense to the Jubba Administration while deliberately ignoring the fact that the inhabitants of Southwestern regions genuinely decided to have a complete and inclusive regional autonomy composing of the Six regions. In his statement at the 425th Meeting in Adis ababa, Ambassador Kay reaffirmed his position for formation of the three regions by emphasizing that the UN's support for the Government is bound up with the erection of the three regions. He said; 'I will continue to work closely with key partners, principally the African Union, IGAD and the European Union, to support a Federal Government-led process with respect for the formation of  a three-region state'. The UN rhetorically advocates for support  of a community driven process of creating a regional autonomy while at the same time declines to comment the unique example set by the local leaders of those regions. The yearlong conference of initiating the State formation in Baidoa was enthusiastically locally-driven, community funded and community initiation without any outside help whatsoever. Ulusow in the same article said; 'UN calls the shot and plants the causes for division and grievances'.        
Mohamud M. Ulusow  furthermore; hinted in his article that Mohamed Abdi Afey and Eng Mahboub Maalim both of Somali Kenyan nationals who are envoy and Excutive Secretary of IGAD respectively are diplomatically responsible for the conundrum in Southwestern Regions of Somalia because of their clan lineage.

Moreover, Somali Federal Parliament never debated the Adis ababa agreement and the government never submitted it to the Parliament, therefore it seems that the Interim Administration for Jubba will remain a flashpoint of conflict forever in Somalia's Federalism process unless and until SFP adopts holistic resolutions treating with the Federal Member States. IGAD, Kenya and Ethiopia would keep their unchecked meddling in the domestic affairs of Somalia and the government prefers to keep the status quo until its current mandate expires in 2016.

Second, apart from Nicholas Kay's call, it is assumed that the President's primary ambition was to show photo-ops in Baidoa for preparation of a trip to Brussels. The Brussels Meeting has got a special significance for the government due to the pledges made  last September in the New Deal Compact, and it is the hope for the government that the best way to substantiate those pledges into deliverable hard currency is to demonstrate to the International Community that the government is actually committed to lead the initiation of Regional State formations and that its effort of continuing an inclusive agreement between opposing state formation processes has got momentum among the stakeholders in those region. The New Deal Compact gives substantial accountability between the Regional States and the SFG. Consequently, his effort to bridge the gap the between his administration and the leaders of Southwestern State was technically narrowed with the help of the Speaker of the House of the People but not radically accommodated.    
By Abdulkadir Suleiman 

"Didiinglay dhamaateih"

Why would Federalism be preferable in Somalia?

Abdirahman A. Warsame makes some very good points of Somalia's contentious system of government in his most recent article posted on Hiiraan Online[i],.  He accurately underlined that Federalism - as type of Government won't take root unchallenged for a country like Somalia that has been chaotic for decades. He further underscored that Somalis' Provisional constitution must be a source of conflict in terms of its interpretation; which of course seems quite rational because of Somalis' nature of interpretation.  Take as an example of Somali Parliament of today, because of Interpretation of Rules of Procedure (Xeer Hoosaadka) of Somalis' House of the  Federal Republic of the  Parliament, Mps daily fight over an issue that can sometimes be easily reconciled to. However, it is in the other things claimed that his analysis falls short.

To me, the concept why some clans like Digil and Mirifle do prefer Federalism is quite rooted in prevailing socio-economic and political traits as well as land expropriation rather than just a historic review or a fear of  single clan dominance.  In addition to what A. A. Warsame talked about in his writing, the politics of land expropriation has been utilized since Post-Independent regimes and is still quite favorable option for so many Somali political elites.  Both Hawiye and Daarood clans compete for the control and domination of the inter-reverine region (Mukhtar and Kusow 1993:2)[ii]. And most of the clannish wars were concentrated in the Southern parts of the country, which inhabitants of those most fertile part of the country became the majority victims of these wars, (Abdulahi A. Osman: 2007)[iii]. Moreover, former despotic regime adopted the so-called 'resettlement scheme of 1973-1974' by transplanting over  100, 000 Pastoralists in Lower Shabelle and Middle Juba Valleys.  The three sites-chosen - Kunturwaray, Sablale and Dujuma; are the most fertile parts in the inter-reverine region. (M. Haji Mukhtar:  1996)[iv]. Nevertheless, the attempt to expel the indigenous population did not stop there. At the climax of the civil war, warlords and the successive authorities similarly implemented same tactics by defeating the former occupier while in other cases un-holly alliances under unjustifiable banners were the instrument.  It was just on 26 of November when Community Elders from Lower Shabelle met under a tree in No. 50 neighborhood denouncing the repeated wars in the region[v] that sorry to say the Somali Army got implicated.  For those people, they are defenseless against the strong; organized and armed groups periodically exploiting in the name of government. Their defense point should be just a devolution of power that guarantees indispensable right of their land. Needless to say Somali Federal Government (SFG) has also seemed unwilling to adopt a durable and reconciled strategy for the renewed aggressive ambition for the control of that region by some of its associates despite paying several trips to the region.

Furthermore, the argument for Federation goes beyond land issue. As A. A. Warsame also elaborated, the resource allocation, power distribution, wealth opportunities, revenue sharing you name it; all have been desperately abused at the expense of the  majority whose livelihood has been shattered. The State was seen as an instrument of accumulation and domination, enriching and empowering those who control it and exploiting and oppressing the rest, (Marco Zoppi, Nov 2013)[vi]. The trajectory of the abuse of the State Institutions never stopped in Somali politics not because of ignorance but because of Bedouin. Pseudo-politicians use it as instrument to suppress others they regard as rivalries. Astonishingly, to this current government over 50 percent of Director Generals for the ministries belong to a single clan. And in the same way, almost all of the Senior Managerial positions of the State is run by one clan who hold unequivocal power to all significant decisions that impact the lives of hundreds of Somalis. Bureaucratic offices like Civil Aviation General Manager, Port Authority, Airport Manager, Chamber of Commerce, Solicitor General, Accountant General, Disaster Management Agency, Immigration and Naturalization Department as well as National Independent Commissions like National Reconciliation Commission and National Civil Service Commission (NCSC) are all dominated by only one clan. Equally from 1960 to 1990, there were 26 governments that nominated a total of 567 posts. Only 31 of these were allocated to Digil and Mirifle clan compared to 216 posts to  Daarood, 125 posts to Hawiye and 102 to Isaaq, (Abdullahi A. Osman: 2007)[vii].

As this  sort of political domination is still prerequisite in the contemporary Somali politics and is likely to continue for the foreseeable generation; the only viable solution for the Somali nation must be a genuine devolution of power. Federalism shall accomplish the task of preserving national unity through the distribution of powers and sovereignty between the central state and the autonomous territorial entities operating within it. It shall ensure the peaceful coexistence of peoples, while recognizing their diversity. (Marco Zoppi: Nov 2013)[viii].

Abdulkadir Suleiman
Political Analyst

End Notes

[i]  Hiiraan Online, "Can Somalia be federated?", Abdurahman Abdishakur Warsame,
[ii] Mukhtar, Mohamed H. & Kusow, Abdi, 'A visiting Mission Report: Bottom-up Approach in Reconciliation in the Inter-river Regions of Somalia', August 18 - Sep 23, 1993 or
Mukhar, Mohamed H. 'The plight of Agro-pastoral Society of Somalia', Review of African Political Economy, Vol. 23, Issue 70, P544,  (December, 1996),
[iii] Abdulahi A. Osman, 'Cultural Diversity and the Somali Conflict: Myth or Reality?', African Journal on Conflict Resolution, Vol. 7, No. 2, P98, (2007),
[iv] Mukhar, Mohamed H. 'The plight of Agro-pastoral Society of Somalia', Review of African Political Economy, Vol.   23, Issue 70, P550,  (December, 1996)
[vi] Wardheer News, "Federalism: A valid Instrument For Reconciliation in Somalia", Marco Zoppi,
[vii] Abdulahi A. Osman, 'Cultural Diversity and the Somali Conflict: Myth or Reality?', African Journal on Conflict Resolution, Vol. 7, No. 2, P104, (2007),
[viii] Wardheer News, "Federalism: A valid Instrument For Reconciliation in Somalia", Marco Zoppi,

"Didiinglay dhamaateih"

Thursday, September 5, 2013

Isfahamka Jubooyinka: Ku-qabso ku-qadi mayside

Iyadoo hardanka Kismaayo soo bilowday tan iyo markii huwanta isbahaysatay ee Dowladda,Maleeshiyaadka  Raskamboni iyo Ciidanka Kenya ay qabsadeen bishii September 2012, ayaa waxa ay soo martay marxalado kala duwan oo hadana qalifsan. Dagaalo u-jeedo  badan lehna waa ay ka dhaceen. Koox uu hogaamiyo Barre Hiiraale oo qayb ka ahaa Dagaallada u-jeedada badnaa waa laga adkaaday oo Magaalada Kismaayo daafaheeda ayuu saldhigtay. U jeedadii uu dagaalka u galay lama xalin lagamana doodin. Dabcan wali waa uu gadoodsanyahay oo waxa uu soo wado Rabbi ayaa og. Waxaa sidoo kale baroorsan Qabaa’ilo trio badan oo Degaannada Jubooyinka u degaan sheegta oo taariikhduna qirayso in Gobolladaan ay deganaayeen tan iyo markii Soomalidu u soo hayaantay gayyiga ay maanta degantahay.

Sida ku xusan Buugga uu qoray Prof.  Cabdalla Mansuur, “Taariikhda iyo Luuqadda Bulshada Soomaaliyeed”; Boggiisa 185, qabaa’illadaan waxay soo degaan dhulkaan intii u dhaxaysay Qarnigii 17aad – 18aad. Sidoo kale waa Qabiilka kaliya ee Soomaali oo dega degaan dherarsan oo isku xiran; si ka duwan Qabaai’llada kale ee Soomaaliyeed.  Qabaa’illada Ab’gaaga (Indigenous) ee dega dhulkaan waxay dherarsanyihin si aan kala go’ lahayn laga bilaabo Doolow ilaa iyo agagaarka Af-Madow.  Nasiib darro-se waxay noqotay in tixin gelin Siyaasadeed ay waayeen oo la duudsiyo lana inkiro xaqii ay dhulkooda ku lahaayeen.

Sababta keentayna ay tahay oo kaliya in aysan ‘Indho-adeeg’ wax ku raadsan, kuna duulin dhul kale iyagu aanu lahayn.

Iyadoo ay xaqiiqdaa jirto ayaa hadana Dowlladda Soomaaliyeed waxaa ay doorbiday in ay xal Siyaasadeed la gasho cidda codkeedu dheereeyo ileen waa tii Soomaaliduba ku Maah maahatee, ‘Hooyadu waxay marwalba horumarisaa cunnugga oohinta dheer’, marka ay cuntadu qaybinayso. Sidaa si la mid ah ayaa Xukuumaduna ugu fiirisay in ninka durriinka badan leh xal deg deg ah lala gaaro, si ay iyaduna warbixinta ugu darsato in Guulo la taaban karo ka  gaartay Siyaasadda Arrimaha Gudaha madaama Sannad uu gabo-gebo u yahay;  iyadoo inta badan lugu dhaliiili jiray in Arrimaha Gudaha aan waxbadan uga qabsoomin.

Sidaa darteed Dowlladu ma xaq-doon baa mise Xal raadis?

Hadii Xukummadu ay ku doodo in ay xal raadis tahay; waxaa laga-maarmaan noqon doonta in dhabbadii hadda uu soo maray Maamulkii ay heshiiska la gashay ay qolo kale u soo tafa-xaydan doonaan oo gacan saar siyaasadeed la yeelan doonaan wadan ka mid ah waddamada inta badan daneeya isbed-bedelka Siyaasadeed ee Soomaalida. Amaba koox cusub oo xil-doon ah ka soo dhex bixi doonaan kuwa heshiiska lala-galay dabadeedna aragti cusub la yimaadaan, waa sidii lugu bartay Siyaasadda Soomaalida mudooyinkii u dambeeyay. Dowlladdu markaa maxay samayn doontaa?

Xaqqa iyo Xalkuba waxaa uu ku jiray in Madaxawayne Xasan Sheikh uu tadhbiiqiyo Cilmi Baarisyadii uu ku sameeyay  Dadka iyo Degaannada Soomaaliyeed ka hor inta uusan Madaxwayne loo caleemo saarin, taas oo ku-filnaan kartay, qanicinna kartay koox walba oo dood Siyaasadeed u duuban.

Siyaasad gudaheedka Xukummadda uu hogaamiyo Madaxwaye Xasan Sheikh waxay u muuqataa mid aan hurayn in is-bedel iyo dib-u-eegis wadiiqo badan leh lugu sameeyo. Sababtoo ah Gobol walba hindise ka duwan kan dowladda ayaa ka guuxaaya, durriin iyo eeg sheegad badan baa la isla dhexmarayaa.
Sidaa darteed si ay Dowlladu gaarto ugana dhabayso himilooyinka ay tiigsanayso inta ay xafiiska haynayso waa in ay xoogga saarta, xaqiijisanna hergelinta Lixda Tiir uu Madaxwaynu ku dhawaaqay ka dib markii uu ku guulaystay Xafiiska. Lixda Tiir dhaqan-gelintooda iyo u turjumaadooda si waafaqsan aragtida dadka degaannada ayaa shaafin karta baroorta ka yeeraysa Gobollada qaar ee Dalka.

Abdulkadir Suleiman

Political Analyst

"Didiinglay dhamaateih"

Wednesday, August 7, 2013

Shatigaduud History - By Dhalib

It was in the middle of 1997, when I first met Col. Mohamed Nuur Shatigaduud, in the outskirts of Baidoa town, where he was leading Rahanweyn Resistant Army (RRA) fighters against General Aidid occupation in Bay and Bakool.

I was one of the few Local UN humanitarian staff working these areas at that time and trying to reach thousands of displaced people suffering in Bay and Bakool area for the result of the conflict.

At that time we have received reports of thousands of people dying for lack of food and disease for the result of wide spread conflict between RRA and General Aidid militiaman.

Situation was extremely very bad and the fighting between General Aidid militia and RRA intensified day after day. Thousands of people were forced to flee from their houses and cough in the fighting’s. 

People had nothing to eat, some of the people forced to dig underground and eat grass nuts for their daily meal and water availability was difficult. One of the trips I have made to the region I have seen my eyes very discouraging situations in Wajid areas, people were scattered all around the areas, some of them very slim and could not able to walk, many died in the roads, malnutrition was its highest peak among children. Some of the people I met said to me very scaring stories, but all these situations encouraged me to continue what job.

My trip started from Bardere town of Gedo region (where we had sub-office) to Goofgaduud Buurey of Baidoa areas via road (170) Km rough road, with me a truck of 10 tons of nutrition supplies to distribute malnutrition children that were suffering in the areas of Baidoa town. There were also reports of watery diarrhoea among children in these areas and I had as well some chlorine and ORS supplies with me. Access was very difficult and vulnerable people were scattered different places. Most of the places where we used to travel were no man land, no proper local authorities and there were free militiamen moving.

There was really very risk to perform this kind of trip and it needed to be very carefully during the trip and all movements. There was no proper telephone, but used HF radios only. But for the sake of the suffering my people, I had nothing to worry and my target was to reach these people.
On my way to Baidoa, I have passed many villages including Eesow, Ufurow, Qansaxdhere, until I came Foolfeyle of Bardale area. When I came Foolfelye village, we were told that there are mines buried in this road and we cannot continue our journey to Goofgaduud Buurey. 

I have seen as well two military vehicles burned in the road by mine, just 200 meters where we were stopped. But with the help of a very young boy 15-17 years from Foolfyle village, we were guided and managed to continue out trip, this was terrible experience for my life. Thanks as well the driver of the vehicle I was using Madey Boorow that was very experienced man and intelligent and had good knowledge of the area.

We were informed that there were two main IDP (Internal displaced persons) camps Eldon and Dhanqooq areas in just few miles from Baidoa town, where the other side Jen Aidid militiamen based. People in these areas were under alert everyday and expecting attack from Gen Aid militiamen. The displace people and the RRA fighters were mixed and it was very difficult for humanitarian workers to separate of them and to reach the displaced people, that was our target.

In order to do this task and the local leaders, I have managed my first time in 1997 to met the leader of RRA Col. Mohammed Hassan Nuur (Shaargaduud) Eldon - Goofgaduud Buurey areas around 30 KM from Baidoa, in a small bush like IDPs shelter, no sort of beds, no mattress, no house decorations and he was sitting an old sacks and grass with his two RRA deputies, Sheikh Aden Madoobe and Mohamed Ibrahim Habsade and many other young RRA militia leaders.

My first impression Col. Shargaduud seemed very simple, kind and calm person. After the greetings, I have informed the purpose of my trip and the mission. In fact, immediately after the briefing I have got the green light to continue my trip to do the necessary assessment to understand the real humanitarian situations in the nearby villages. He encouraged me to perform my work without condition and Shaargaduud mentioned to me the first priory in the areas despite the serious food shortages was chlorination of water points (water treatment), particular the villages where there was cases of diarrhoea among children and almost no medical supplies, no proper health personal in these communities.

Despite the security constraints, my trip ended successful and I could say that mass of humanitarian interventions managed to focus the vulnerable people in Bay, Bakool and Gedo after this trip. The other important influential colleagues for humanitarian interventions at this period and those I still remember in my mind were: Late Dr. Ayub Sheikh Yerow, Mohamed Ahmed Alasow, Dr. Salad Ducaale and Nuurto Abdulkadir Sheikh, all EX- UNICEF Somalia staff.

After three weeks of RRA recaptured in Baido 6 June 2009, I and with late colleague Dr. Ayuub Sheikh Yerow, who was the Officer in charge for the office (UNICEF/Baioda) at the time have met again Shaargaadud and his administration in Baidoa. Shaaraduud played key role for humanitarian organizations to return Baidoa safely. Almost Baidoa become one of the quietest places in Somalia and Humanitarian Hub for Cenral and Southern zone, ten regions in Somalia. Local and International staff used to play football at Dr. Ayub football stadium in Baidoa, it was fantastic time.
Truly Shaargaduud was not a man with personnel demands, but mostly the demands of his people in large. He liked to listen to the people and give short response always; he used always to avoid conflict with him and the humanitarian organization.

Many life saving activities that Humanitarian organizations conducted in the areas during 1998-2002 that saved millions of people in this region would not be possible without the open and the honest characters of Shaarguud and his administration at the time in Baidoa. Many times he used to ask and encourage the humanitarian organizations to undertake projects that are benefit for the people and are sustainable.

When RRA administration changed in to as the Federal regional Administration system (Somali South West Administration with sex regions) that was announced in Baidoa, 2 April 2002, I was also in Baidoa and attended the inauguration ceremony. Unfortunately, with few months only the administration could not continue to survive in Baidoa and RRA started to split and fight with in them. In July 2002, another humanitarian disaster started and these fighting caused Shatigaduud led militiamen to flee from Baidoa to Wajid and surrounding areas.

Sarmaandheer – Peace Initiative in Wajid district of Bakool region

I was the beginning of August 2005 when late Mr. Moallim Isaak, knew as (Moallin Jiis) former Wajid district commissioner (DC) approached to me and one of my humanitarian colleague Isaak Ali Subag in Wajid district of Bakool region, where we were temporary working as humanitarian staff, and the DC requested us to help him for peace attempt to solve the conflict between RRA sides.

In fact for me, as humanitarian worker, It was very difficult to involve this task , but for the sake of my people that was suffering conflict and I belong to the community , I have accepted to take part in this important work with very low profile. One other hand, I felt as well was the necessary and the obligations that is missing for someone to do it this important work.

Our role, Isaaq Subag and myself was to give the District Commissioner Moallim Jiis the necessary ideas, our experience for conflict handling, and technical guidance to this peace process. We were not experts of conflict resolution handling, but with our experience of working in conflict environment in Somalia for many years and our job required to undertake humanitarian access negations with the community leaders and the good relationship we had with the community leaders showed great positive chance to this process. One other think I read from my mind was that peace and humanitarian interventions are friends and cannot be separated. The children those are suffering under this conflict they want only to reach someone by any means, but in a peacefully way.

our first day the low profile peace initiative was curried by late Moallim Isaak, Wajid District commissioner, Isaak Ali subag and myself in Wajid and come up with a plan to start the peace reconciliation between RRA leaders in the region. One of the main tasks was to empower the community leaders in the area, mobilize and to understand them to take active leadership for this peace process. The other important issue was to undertake fundraising within the community resources available in Wajid and Baidoa. Do not relay what you do not have in your pocket. This philosophy worked really.

I would like to mention as well one of the best contributors to this Sarmaandheer peace meeting was, Sheikh Ibrahim Abdullahi, Abdirahmaan Elay and his wife Mariam Dhakalow for their facilitating necessary financial aspect to the peace meeting. Thanks some funds received from UK at the time, from Amina Mohamed Mursal, at later date she become TFG minster in Somalia 2006 and I met her many times in Baidoa.

Shatigaduud was the first person we have approached and we met him in Wajid and the first day of the meeting he gave us the go ahead the peace initiative without any condition and he showed us that he had much confidence to the peace initiative team and this was important for us.

At the time 2005, Shatigaduud and some of his supporters were staying in Wajid, despite he was as well TFG Minister of Agriculture, and he was not satisfied to this post. Shaargaduud was living in the collapsed former Wajid hospital with some of his bodyguards. The condition of the building was extremely very poor and dirty, no windows, no door, no hygiene aspect at all, but Shaargaduud preferred to stay there for the sake of his people. He did not wanted to sleep in a hotel or proper house, but all the time he was happy and at least his dream was one day his people would unite and life better condition and peace.

Shaargaduud was suffering diabetes, Type 1 and other disease, he was having difficult to get insulin injection, and always he used to ask help someone travelling to Kenya and buy insulin. His stay in Wajid was full of risky but, he did for the sake of the people.

The voluntary reconciliation team in Wajid late Moallim Isaak ( Moallim Jiis), former Wajid DC, Isaak Ali Subag, and myself used to meet every night at around (09:00 till 12:00) pm, because this issue was very sensitive and we did not want information to go out before everything were settle well.
After five days of the peace initiative, we have managed to communicate Mohamed Ibrahim Habsade and his team while they were in Baidoa and we had shared our objectives and the peace we wanted to undertake in our community.

Two days after first contact with Habsade, what we have encountered Habsade was very encouraging but cautious. Habsade told us the initiative is good but he is very worrying the security and the location of the meeting. He was also suspecting if any other hand could involve this reconciliation meeting. But after three other round nights of talking with telephone, we have convinced Habsade and his team and accepted to meet Shaatigaduud and start dialogue. This was one of the best thing that I have managed for my life. The team were also very happy, and really relieved. We had as well other parrellel communications with Sheikh Aden Madoobe and he was very helpful and welcomed the initiative.

Since Shatigaduud was staying in Wajid and the other group in Baidoa (90 Km distance), we came up with en plan the meeting to be held in Sarmaandheeer village which is located Berdale district of Bay region and it was almost the centre of the two sides. Both of the sides accepted this proposal. It was other step forward to the peace in the region.

Now , it become easy to involve elders in Wajid and take the leadership and one of the respected community elders, Malaaq Ali Bare took the leadership with many other elders in Wajid areas. Thanks as well the community in Wajdi in large that gave good morale support to this process and the only story that people used to talk was the peace meeting between the RRA sides.

The first one day peace meeting was held in Sarmaandheer village on 05 September 2005, where Shargaduud and Mohamed Ibrahim Habasde met and it was one of the such first meeting to happen after RRA conflict in the Baidoa July 2002. Logistic support were organized both Baidoa and Wajid and this was unbelievable. The outcome of this meeting was very positive, although no concrete points agreed, but at least the communities living in the areas of Baidoa started to travel peacefully, many checkpoints were disappeared automatic and the road between Baidoa and Wajid now improved access. Thousands of cheering communities in the area started to greet each other and congratulate.

After one year of the Sarmaandher meeting another big meeting were followed and held in Wajid February 2006 where many elders, TFG parliamentarians from Digil and Mirelfe attended the meeting. The action points agreed this meeting was almost the ending of the conflict of RRA in the region. ( The action points of this meeting I Somali version sharing with you below)

During my humanitarian car in Somalia from 1991-2009, I have got the change to meet many different kinds of local authorities in Bay, Bakool, Gedo, Midd Jubba, and as well middle Shebelle and Mohamed Nuur (Sharargaduud) was one of the kindest, easy going, understandable, strong commitment, liked Somalia in large, treated all people equal, good hearth, wide vision and peace maker that I ever met.

Despite he had a big vision to undertake Somali Southwest regional administration for sex regions, but he was only one person and as Somali proverb says, one finger can not wash a face. I Hope someone will take over and continue this kind of style of peace in the community and in Somalia at large.

NB: (1) In the report includes names or pictures for some of community leader those died and I pray almighty Allah rest their soul in peace and Janatul fardowsa.

(2) The pictures in this report was taken 2006 in Wajid with the help of col. Ahmed Nur Mayow, former chairperson Community Care Centre (CCC) in Baidoa and now as Member of Somali parliament in Mogadishu.

(3) Somali version of this report would come in later date.
By: Abdulkadir Abukar Sheikh (Dhaalib)
Ex-Humanitarian worker in Somalia
Now: Chairman of Somali Arlaadi Relief Förening I Örebro 
Örebro, Sweden

 07 April 2013.

"Didiinglay dhamaateih"